The excerpts labeled for this article do not discuss the National Security Agency. No speaker names the agency, describes surveillance, or addresses signals intelligence. What the excerpts do contain is a set of arguments about federal power, taxation, trade, mandated compensation, and reparations, conducted across four episodes of the program. Any article under this title must therefore record what the sources actually say and note the absence.

Federal spending and the financial transaction tax

In a discussion of what President Obama called middle-class economics, Bob Zadek turned to guest Sean McElwee’s proposal for a financial transaction tax whose proceeds would fund infrastructure. McElwee described the tax as modest, measured in basis points, and aimed at what he called rent-seeking in the form of high-frequency trading, which he said lets people make money by shifting money around rather than by putting money into a profitable investment. He proposed directing the revenue into an infrastructure bank for science, technology, roads, and sewer systems, and argued that a financial transaction tax takes an economy that is pro-business but anti-market and makes it pro-market rather than pro-big business Inclusive Capitalism: Economic Savior or Socialism in Disguise? (2015).

Zadek’s objection was that the tax would hand the federal government an enormous pot of money and that top-down management of such a pot invites the rent-seeking and crony capitalism both men said they despised. He asked why so much power should go to a few people in Washington through a road-building system he described as highly corrupt. McElwee answered that the interstate highway was built by government, that a collective action problem exists if infrastructure is left solely to the private system, and that any congressional system would likely have a federalist bent. He compared the managerial problem to that of a publicly traded corporation with a small CEO and board making decisions affecting a massive enterprise, and said libertarians should consider applying the same critique to privately traded corporations. Zadek replied that dissatisfied shareholders can sell their stock, whereas moving out of the country is extreme; McElwee suggested political action at the state, local, or federal level as an alternative. Asked whether he had that much confidence in the integrity and intellectual ability of a very few people in Washington to control so much money honestly, McElwee pointed to journalists as a check, to an independent commission to oversee spending as was done with the stimulus act, and to the historical record of government building infrastructure Inclusive Capitalism: Economic Savior or Socialism in Disguise? (2015).

Trade, protectionism and the disappointed competitor

Richard Epstein argued that voluntary exchange is positive-sum and that the circle of beneficial transactions expands as long as transaction costs allow. Within a single jurisdiction, he said, enforcement of contracts produces a virtuous circle; across jurisdictions the same logic applies. He described the United States as organized by and large as a free trade zone, so that production in one state can be sold in another, and called it one of the great achievements of the Supreme Court that states cannot put up protectionist barriers to the movement of goods and services across state lines. Extending the argument internationally, he said improved technology has reduced financial barriers and that gains from trade are even greater where cultures have different resources, skills, and abilities Trump Vs. Free Trade with Richard Epstein (2017).

The obstacle Epstein identified is the disappointed competitor: a buyer who once paid a domestic seller 10 and now buys overseas at 8. The domestic seller says he has been hurt, which Epstein called Orwellian language, treating someone who could no longer make a sale as though he had been beaten in a back alley. His answer is that cheaper inputs let the buyer expand what he can sell, and that the disappointed party has greater opportunities elsewhere in the market. He stated as a basic theorem of all trade, domestic or international, that disappointed competitors who lose out to superior products at lower prices should never be heard to demand they block in tradition. He said strongly unionized industries with high wage structures built on domestic monopolies are the first to complain about international trade, and that such trade erodes local monopoly power. He named Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump as making the same kind of mistakes, and said that the more Trump backs off his anti-free trade campaign, the better Trump Vs. Free Trade with Richard Epstein (2017).

Mandated benefits and measured compensation

On the gender pay gap, Zadek advanced the argument that an employer’s total outlay for a woman employee, salary plus other costs, can exceed the outlay for a man, and that the woman does not get to choose how that cost is paid. He said government has mandated that a woman accept some compensation as a non-economic benefit, so that women receive the same compensation but not in cash, receiving instead forced benefits they may not want Veronique de Rugy on the Gender Pay Gap (2019).

Veronique de Rugy agreed that labor-market regulation has made individual bargaining with employers difficult, and noted that employers may prefer a one-size-fits-all policy. As an alternative to a federal paid-leave mandate, she suggested allowing employees to accumulate overtime without being paid for it, so the time can be used for sick days, a child, or whatever is needed. She said total compensation is growing even as cash wages grow slowly, and that fringe benefits have risen from roughly 5 percent of total compensation to close to a third. She added that companies are not all the same and are not all sitting on piles of cash, that trade-offs exist, and that spending on employees rather than investment has consequences for future employment growth Veronique de Rugy on the Gender Pay Gap (2019).

In a later segment of the same episode, Zadek framed the choice to prioritize family over employment as voluntary and as itself a form of compensation: the woman who makes that choice is compensated by being given the choice, so measuring pay by net pay after taxes on her paycheck is improper. He said that while women are paid less in cash, the employer forgoes value of the same or greater amount, and that this is not mean-spirited discrimination, which he said has been against the law since 1963. He characterized the demand associated with Kamala Harris and others as wanting someone else to pay for that choice, whether other employees, taxpayers, or the employer, and asked whether the fight is over who pays for a voluntary decision Veronique de Rugy on the Gender Pay Gap (2019).

Reparations and the victim cult

Zadek raised reparations for slavery alongside the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, which he called a shameful period. He said the Supreme Court found the internment constitutional, named the Korematsu decision, said it was recently reversed to right that wrong, and said the country somewhat quietly paid reparations to those interned Understanding the Victim Cult (2021).

Mark Milke said the question of when to compensate is an art more than a science, and that The Victim Cult asks when compensation is proper rather than telling people to get over things. He gave the example of being hit by a car yesterday, where fault creates an obligation to replace the car. He said it made sense after the war to compensate Japanese Americans for loss of property and wrongful internment, that some compensation came in the 1950s and more in the 1980s, and that he would argue it was not sufficient and that they should have been fully compensated for stolen property and for time lost in the camps. He also cited Quakers in the late 1700s who released their slaves and gave them property and money, recognizing a great evil committed against people of a different skin color Understanding the Victim Cult (2021).

Milke argued that the cause of present disparities in black incomes relative to white and Asian Americans is not slavery, which he said ended in 1865, and cited Thomas Sowell’s argument for looking at more recent cause-and-effect links. He pointed to the black American family being mostly together until the 1950s, improving educational levels and standard of living up to that point, and then a decline in educational standards and a breakup of the family on average. He said the tides of time and successive generations have washed over cause and effect, so one should look for the more recent cause, and that the closer the event to the compensation, the stronger the justification Understanding the Victim Cult (2021).

Zadek drew the distinction he considered major: compensation to Japanese Americans went to the very individual harmed, whereas a claim paid generations later goes to someone who was not harmed but happens to be a grandchild or great-grandchild of someone who was. He said the government is the only institution lawfully permitted to use force, including deadly force, and that this empowerment carries a responsibility to use it properly, citing compensation for those wrongfully convicted and later exonerated by DNA testing. Milke added that Ibram Kendi and others frame the money as symbolic moral reparations, and that this argument fails for him because the United States was a nation divided, with northerners and abolitionists from the early 1800s fighting slavery and the Civil War as the obvious example. To demand compensation two centuries later, he said, indicts all Americans and all of American history rather than recognizing that a good chunk of the public fought against the South and paid in treasure and blood Understanding the Victim Cult (2021).

Across episodes

The excerpts show no development on the NSA, because the NSA is not discussed in any of them. The episodes gathered here touch federal fiscal power and infrastructure, international trade, mandated fringe benefits, and reparations, with no shared question carried from one to the next.

What the sources do not cover

Nothing in these excerpts states what the National Security Agency is, when it was founded, what it does, or what statutes or cases govern it. No speaker addresses surveillance, metadata, warrants, or intelligence oversight. The article therefore cannot describe the agency on the basis of these sources, and any treatment of it would require material the excerpts do not contain.